From Stigmatized Racial Issues to Transformed Economic Redistribution: A New Zealand Perspective

Kan Yuenyong
7 min readNov 15, 2024

--

The recent haka protest led by Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke in New Zealand’s Parliament ignited a national and international conversation about the Treaty of Waitangi and its place in modern society. This act of defiance was a direct response to a proposed bill by libertarian MP David Seymour, which sought to redefine the treaty’s principles by applying its rights equally to all citizens. While framed as promoting fairness, this legislation would potentially diminish the specific protections guaranteed to Māori under the treaty, intensifying debates over cultural identity, historical justice, and national unity.

See full video here and related news story and perhaps misleading twitter’s post (with community note).

Seymour’s proposal is rooted in libertarian and populist ideologies, advocating for individual equality and minimal state intervention. From this perspective, the bill aims to eliminate what is perceived as preferential treatment based on ethnicity, applying a uniform standard of rights. However, critics argue that such an approach ignores the systemic disadvantages faced by Māori communities due to colonization and entrenched inequalities. Populist undertones further amplify the bill’s appeal to segments of the non-Māori population, who view treaty-based privileges as divisive and contrary to national unity. This dynamic underscores a deeper struggle between the ideals of equity and equality, revealing how public sentiment shapes contentious policy proposals.

New Zealand’s demographic landscape adds further complexity to this debate. Māori, representing roughly 18% of the population, have historically faced significant socio-economic challenges, including lower median incomes, higher unemployment rates, and poorer health outcomes compared to non-Māori. These disparities have justified targeted subsidies and privileges aimed at leveling the playing field and preserving Māori culture. However, such measures remain polarizing, with some non-Māori perceiving them as inequitable or divisive. This perception fuels tensions that complicate efforts to achieve both fairness and social cohesion.

Immigration, widely seen as a strategy to address New Zealand’s aging population and sustain economic growth, presents additional challenges for Māori. For Māori communities, the prospect of increased immigration raises concerns about cultural preservation and political representation. A significant influx of non-Māori populations could dilute Māori proportional representation, threatening their influence in policymaking and undermining the gains secured under the Treaty of Waitangi. Additionally, the preservation of Māori language, traditions, and cultural identity could face greater strain in an increasingly multicultural society.

These concerns extend beyond demographics to questions of governance and partnership. Māori leaders have expressed fears that immigration policies may prioritize economic imperatives over long-standing commitments to Indigenous rights. Maintaining their status as tangata whenua — the people of the land — amid rapid demographic shifts requires policies that actively integrate Māori perspectives. Involving iwi (tribal) leaders in shaping immigration frameworks would uphold the principles of partnership enshrined in the treaty, ensuring that Māori concerns are not overshadowed in the pursuit of national growth.

International examples offer valuable insights for New Zealand as it navigates these challenges. Singapore’s policies of active pluralism, such as mandating ethnic diversity in public housing, have successfully fostered integration while preserving cultural distinctions. Similarly, Malaysia’s shift from race-based affirmative action to income-based support has broadened assistance to all low-income groups while continuing to address systemic disparities. These models suggest pathways for New Zealand to consider transitioning from race-specific subsidies to programs based on economic need. Such a shift would ensure that assistance reaches the most disadvantaged while mitigating perceptions of preferential treatment.

Implementing these changes requires careful planning and safeguards to protect Māori interests. A transition to income-based subsidies must ensure that Māori, who disproportionately fall into lower-income brackets, continue to benefit from support systems. Clear benchmarks and outcome monitoring would be essential to evaluate the policy’s impact on Māori communities. Simultaneously, investments in Māori language, customs, and governance must remain distinct from economic redistribution programs to preserve cultural identity. Cross-cultural initiatives, such as community projects and educational programs about the Treaty of Waitangi, could further bridge divides and promote mutual understanding among New Zealanders.

New Zealand stands at a pivotal juncture in addressing the complexities surrounding the Treaty of Waitangi, Māori rights, and economic redistribution. The tensions over Seymour’s proposal reflect broader struggles with historical grievances, contemporary inequalities, and visions of unity. By learning from international models, engaging in inclusive policymaking, and balancing the principles of equality with the need to redress systemic injustice, New Zealand has an opportunity to craft a future that honors its diverse heritage while fostering equity and cohesion for all citizens. Through such an approach, the nation can turn its challenges into a foundation for enduring unity and shared progress.

End Note #1

This essay draws on ongoing research into “positive governance,” which conceptualizes effective political systems as a dynamic equilibrium among key factors: a strong state, the rule of law, and democratic accountability. Building on the work of Francis Fukuyama and integrating principles from the Tübingen school of Platonic thought, our model frames governance as a balance of these components, represented mathematically as:

G = 𝑓(S, Z) + β

Here:

  • G represents governance quality, indicating the effectiveness and efficiency of a political system.
  • S denotes state strength, reflecting the capacity of the state to maintain order and deliver public goods.
  • Z combines the rule of law and democratic accountability, representing the mechanisms that ensure institutions are accountable to citizens and legal principles.
  • 𝑓(S, Z) encapsulates the complex, nonlinear interaction between state strength and accountability mechanisms.
  • β accounts for external influences, such as economic conditions or geopolitical factors.
Based on the “positive governance” equation, we apply Monte Carlo Simulation (MCS) to visualize the “goldilocks zone” for effective governance. Survival bias tends to produce three types of governance typologies: the Anglo-Saxon model (minimal strong state with a focus on strengthening the rule of law), the European model (which tends to balance state strength and accountability), and the Eastern benevolent authoritarian model, as seen in China. See the structural governance typologies below for more detail.

This framework highlights that governance is not static but evolves with societal changes, including shifts in demographics, innovation, and economic pressures. By employing tools such as 3D manifold visualization, computational methods like genetic algorithms, phase-change heuristic search, and Monte Carlo simulation, the model explores how the interplay between S, Z, and β shapes governance outcomes. The insights derived from this model are critical for identifying optimal balances and understanding the risks of political decay or inefficiency when imbalances arise.

Our research has also identified four distinct typologies of stable structural governance, which highlight different configurations of state power, party systems, and mechanisms of checks and balances:

  1. Presidential Systems (e.g., the U.S.)
    Characterized by a strong separation of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary, this system ensures robust checks and balances but can lead to gridlock, particularly during periods of divided government. While safeguards against authoritarianism are strong, emergency situations, such as crises requiring swift executive action, may temporarily bypass these checks.
  2. Westminster Systems (e.g., the UK)
    Defined by the fusion of the executive and legislative branches, this system allows for greater flexibility in governance and quicker responses to crises. However, its reliance on parliamentary majorities and political norms makes it vulnerable to authoritarian shifts, especially during crises like Malaysia’s 1969 emergency, when monarchical prerogative powers suspended Parliament.
  3. Semi-Presidential Systems (e.g., France)
    This hybrid system balances power between a separately elected President and an appointed Prime Minister. While this can create flexibility during periods of alignment, cohabitation between opposing parties often leads to gridlock. Crises may provide opportunities for either the President or Prime Minister to centralize power, as seen in historical instances of authoritarian drift.
  4. Marxist-Maoist Unitary System (e.g., China, under Wang Huning’s “modern authoritarian state” theory)
    These systems are marked by one-party dominance, with weak or non-existent separation of powers. The ruling party controls all state institutions, allowing for rapid decision-making and extremely high stability. However, this centralization also institutionalizes authoritarianism, suppressing dissent and maintaining ideological control.

Each typology demonstrates unique strengths and weaknesses in terms of stability, flexibility, and the risk of authoritarianism. For example, while the Westminster system often allows for quick and efficient responses to crises, it is not immune to authoritarian shifts under extraordinary circumstances, as illustrated by Malaysia’s 1969 emergency. In contrast, the Marxist-Maoist unitary system achieves unparalleled stability at the cost of political freedoms and pluralism.

By understanding these typologies, policymakers can better navigate the trade-offs inherent in their systems of governance. These insights underscore the importance of designing institutions that not only reflect societal values but also adapt to changing contexts, ensuring both stability and resilience in the face of challenges.

End Note #2

Our reference to the Tübingen school of thought arises from its profound philosophical approach to reconciling abstract ideals with practical realities. Rooted in the interpretations of Plato and Aristotle, the Tübingen tradition offers a lens through which the unity of seemingly opposing intellectual trajectories can be understood. It asserts that Plato’s upward gesture toward universal truths and Aristotle’s downward grounding in empirical observations do not contradict but rather complement each other within a shared pursuit of understanding. This perspective forms the philosophical foundation of our exploration into governance systems.

Plato, ascending to heaven; Aristotle, downward earthly — Tübingen, esoterically, reveals that both seek the same: profound insights into truth and existence. While the unified ideal ‘Form’ can fragment reasoning into diverse paths, natural evidence induces convergence toward the same truth.

We do not adopt the Platonic idealism of a “perfect” governance structure, nor do we adhere solely to Aristotle’s empirical emphasis on what governance is. Instead, we draw inspiration from Tübingen’s interpretation, which bridges these approaches by proposing that both philosophers sought to illuminate the dynamic interplay between ideals and their manifestations. Governance, in this sense, is neither static nor an abstract ideal; it is a living process shaped by historical, cultural, and societal forces, yet always guided by the aspiration toward balance and harmony.

Our work embraces this duality by recognizing that governance is not a fixed “Form” to be emulated but a continuous process of striving toward equilibrium. The Tübingen approach resonates with our stance because it underscores the importance of philosophical depth without losing sight of the complexities of lived reality. This allows us to explore governance not merely as a theoretical concept but as a practical framework that adapts to societal changes while remaining grounded in universal principles.

--

--

Kan Yuenyong
Kan Yuenyong

Written by Kan Yuenyong

A geopolitical strategist who lives where a fine narrow line amongst a collision of civilizations exists.

No responses yet